Jalaluddin Haqqani: A Legend in the Afghanistan Jihad, Part III

Rajab 08, 1431 A.H, Monday, June 21, 2010

By: Mustafa Hamed

The events of the past two installments on Maulavi Jalaluddin Haqqani, one of the legendary figures of the Jihad in Afghanistan, were taken from a book, entitled “Highlights from the First Year”, which I had composed in 1983 but never published until now.

In this third installment, I had intended to move to another stage in the story of that huge leader whose journey I had accompanied from 1979 until the fall of the Communist regime in Kabul in 1992 - had it not been for al-Somood Magazine which in its last edition recounted the story of the martyrs of the current battles against the American-European armies of occupation in that country. They referred to the story of the martyrdom of one young hero, Mullah Muhammad Amin (‘Ateesh) who was martyred during an American campaign supported by its allied forces against the detainees in the Pol-e Charkhi prison on the outskirts of Kabul.

Rockets, tanks and heavy and light weapons were used in the battle which resulted in the death of 85 people whom the attacking forces led away, shackled in chains and executed in front of the Mullah. That incident confirmed that the Americans were applying – almost literally – the Communist and Soviet experience in Afghanistan, and that the “democracy” ruling now in Kabul under the protection of the American army is literally applying the methods of Marxism which ruled Kabul under the protection of the Soviet army.

In view of its terrible role in the political history of Afghanistan in the modern era, the Pol-e Charkhi prison deserves to be singled out for its own book. Perhaps a Muslim researcher will be able to produce such a book in the future.

We return to the events that were depicted in the beginning of the book “Highlights of the First Year”. I had not intended to deal with them here, because I thought that they were unconnected to what is occurring today. But the incident of the martyrdom of Mullah Muhammad Amin has confirmed that the Soviet experience in Afghanistan has not yet ended. Rather it is continuing, but at the hands of the Americans and under a new name: “democracy”.

- Mustafa

The Communists Rule Kabul

[The sources for this part are the Afghan Mujahideen and a story by the Kabul correspondent for the German Stern magazine]

27 April 1978

At seven in the evening, the military forces attacked the Dahamzank prison in the middle of the city, precisely near Kabul University. The barrels of the tanks were aimed at the walls of the prison and the main gates. After a short battle, the attackers were able to enter the prison and liberate the leader of the Communist movement in Afghanistan, Nur Muhammad Taraki, who had been incarcerated with a group of his comrades, including Hafizullah Amin and Babrak Karmal. In their overflowing joy, the leader of the Communist Party suggested that they all head to the radio station where the Revolutionary Command Council would all meet in order to take part in the military operation.

One of the armored vehicles carrying the Marxist leaders moved to the radio station, but the situation remained obscure until the middle of the night. Doubts assailed the leader of the organization as he heard news of the violent resistance put up by officers loyal to the president of the Republic, Muhammad Daoud. Reports of acts of violence in other districts followed successively, and this was sufficient cause for the Revolutionary Command Council to refrain from officially announcing the name of the new President.

When General Abdul Qader, one the prominent military men who executed the coup, spoke on the radio at 11:00 PM, he mentioned nothing about the country’s future leader or about the other leaders of the coup. And so the party leaders spent their night in Kabul directing the coup and monitoring events. As for the Soviets, they maintained their connection with the coup leaders through the Soviet embassy. The leaders of the coup movement indeed spent the night on board an Antonov aircraft at the Khwaja Rawash airport in Kabul, ready to leave the country if necessary.

The coup plotters were able to finish off the resistance put up by supporters of President Muhammad Daoud. When the Communist leader Taraki assumed control of affairs and began to direct the activities of the government, his first and most important goal was to destroy “religious backwardness in Afghanistan”.

(“Tara Ki”, or as made famous by Arab writers as “Taraki”, originally Tara Ki which is the name of one of the famous Pashtun tribes to which Nur Muhammad Tara Ki belonged).

The movement leaders immediately and completely began to work together to guarantee the destruction of the traditional Islamic forces, and especially the ulema, who in turn immediately launched a ruthless campaign against the new regime. The new regime in its response did not spend a single minute of its timein futile efforts. The new president Taraki and his war staff (Hafizullah Amin and Babrak Karmal) killed the former president Muhammad Daoud, his brother Muhammad Naim and all members of their family. The sun did not rise on the 30th of April until the entire family of Muhammad Daoud had been physically wiped out.

During the first week after the coup, all the supports of the previous president in the army, police and civil administration were executed by firing squad without even a show trial. In the same fashion, the greater portion of high ranking officers in the police, who had received their training in Federal Germany, were also executed in the first days after the coup.

But the greatest afflictions of all fell on the assembly of the Muslims ulema. The members of the ruling Communist Khalq – or People’s Party – would begin to beat up a scholar and all his students and those close to him, and they would see his patience and endurance. Then they would turn to methods of spiritual torture, which are harsher upon the spirit of the Muslim than physical torture, heaping abuse on Allah, the Messenger and the Quran. This would enrage the victim and subsequently the methods for physical torture would proceed and this would be the end of the matter.

Some of the ulema were flayed alive in front of their families, brothers and followers. Then the same procedure would be conducted in turn on the remaining individuals one by one. If a breath of life remained in any of them, they would subsequently drag them into the square and the soldiers would fire upon the corpses, shooting away most of their limbs.

Friday, 14 September 1979

Before lunch, the new president Nur Muhammad Taraki was sitting in the Republican Palace, in the company of the Soviet Ambassador, (Alexander) Puzanov. The ambassador was frowning and the conversation was sharp. The reason for this was that the Prime Minister, Hafizullah Amin had expelled from the government two ministers who were among the strongest supporters of Moscow. The first of these was Aslam Watanjar, the Minister of Defense, who had received his military training and education in Moscow. The second was Shah Jan Mazdarjan, the Minister of Border Affairs.

The Soviet Ambassador suggested that Taraki order the dismissal of Amin and strip him of all his powers. Taraki stated to the Ambassador that it was impossible to do this, because Amin’s supporters had penetrated all sensitive centers of power, where he had placed his devoted men. He had also formed a special military force equipped with the most modern weapons including tanks and armored vehicles. Additionally, the forces guarding the Ministry of Defense and the broadcast station were all loyal to Amin.

In reality, since the appointment of Amin as Prime Minister on the 28th of March, 1979, he immediately began to strengthen his power and he had truly become the ruler of the country, relegating Taraki to no more than a figurehead.

The Soviet Ambassador repeated his instructions to Taraki to order his followers to arrest Amin. Under insistent pressure, Taraki agreed and began to execute the plan. He issued a summons for the Prime Minister to be present at the Republican Palace, to convene an emergency session of the Revolutionary Command Council. Amin’s spies inside the Republican Palace, however informed him of what had transpired between Taraki and Ambassador Puzanov and he deduced that the summon to the Republican Palace was the beginning of a plot against him.

Before Amin made his way to the palace, he took precautions and issued orders to his military units to prepare, and contacted his military factional partisans to confront a possible plot from hostile parties. Amin headed to the Republican Palace where president Taraki was awaiting him in the company of the dismissed Minister of Defense, Aslam Watanjar and his armed supporters.

Amin arrived at the palace accompanied by his bodyguard. As soon as he opened the door in front of him to meet with the president, he was greeted by a hail of bullets from the followers of Aslam Watanjar. Amin amazingly escaped the bullets, but his comrade was killed. Amin fled the conference chamber and his men began to exchange fire with the attackers. President Taraki, however, was struck by a number of rounds and taken to hospital for treatment. What occurred remained a secret for more than three weeks until Radio Kabul announced the death of Taraki.

During the above mentioned clash, the scheming General Watanjar was able to flee the Republican Palace accompanied by Soviet Ambassador Puzanov, using a secret path to arrive at the Soviet embassy complex in Kabul, where the plotting General requested political asylum.

(However, some Afghan sources report that after Nur Taraki had differences with his trusted pupil Hafizullah Amin – famously know by this name – was invited by Amin to the Republican Palace at night and he had no bodyguard with him. Taraki enjoyed shurba, which is a local Afghan food. In one of the ground-floor rooms of the palace, Amin prepared for him shurba, with a lot of meat in it. After he ate the food, one of Amin’s guards placed a pillow over Taraki’s mouth and sat on top of him until he died.)

The triumphant Amin returned after a short time with a force of his private guard, armed with tanks and heavy weapons. They surrounded the Republican Palace and exchanged fire with the Republican Guard. Similar clashes occurred at the broadcast station and the Ministry of Defense. Amin did not let the opportunity slip from his hands. He issued orders to besiege Kabul and close its access points. When night had just fallen, the shooting stopped and he had taken control of the capital. Taraki’s supporters were not able to recover power. They tried to organize a military insurrection, but Amin’s supporters swiftly put an end to them.

After the success of the coup and the stabilization of Amin’s situation, the Soviet Ambassador conducted talks with him. The Ambassador understood that it was unavoidable for his country to deal with Amin. Nonetheless the Ambassador did not miss the opportunity to explain to Amin that he would not be able to hang onto his power without seeking the aid of Soviet might. Amin immediately agreed to a deal. The Soviets extended their support to Amin, who bestowed upon himself a number of titles: President of the Republic, President of the Revolutionary Council, President of the Afghan Democratic People’s Party (Khalq), and Chief of the Council of Ministers.

In a press conference, Amin announced in the presence of foreign journalists that the previous president Taraki had been removed for “health reasons”. The Kabul government imposed a complete shroud on news of Taraki and his whereabouts and severely curtailed the movement of foreign diplomats and journalists.

However, news leaked from the Kabul Military Hospital that Taraki had been hit by gunfire while he was in his office on 14 September. The government immediately declared the news to be a lie and attributed it to rumor-mongers. Amin said that the president was very sick and that his health condition did not permit him to exercise his duties. At last on 9 October, the government in Kabul announced the death of Taraki following what it described as a “chronic disease”.

Afterwards, one of the government employees declared that Amin had tried to get Taraki’s to sign papers condemning him for “betraying the revolution and the people”, but that he had refused. He conducted the same method against other politicians that were dismissed from power, so as to pave the way for their execution.

Not two days had passed before Amin’s supporters began to remove the huge pictures and posters of former president Taraki, that were filling the capital, who had until recently been receiving accolades and adulatory slogans from Radio Kabul such as “The Great Beloved Leader” and “The Heroic Son of Afghanistan”.

Before the masses discovered what had happened to Taraki, Amin was standing before an Afghan labor delegation repeating his slogan, “I and Taraki are like the fingernail and flesh – you cannot separate us”.

On the Monday following his seizure of power, Amin received a message from the Soviet leadership congratulating him on his new position. It was signed by the Soviet Premier (Leonid) Brezhnev and his Prime Minister (Aleksey) Kosygin. Moscow quickly declared its support for the new coup, when only four days before Brezhnev had at the Moscow airport greeted Taraki on his way back from Cuba, where he had been attending a conference of non-aligned nations!!!! The reception was lavish and even Soviet news agency TASS had described what occurred as “Talks governed by heart-felt love between the comrades”.

From the success of the coup until the assassination of the “leader”, the regime had through murder and assassination removed 25,000 Muslim religious scholars and educators. Mujahideen sources estimated the number of victims of the new regime from among the Muslim scholars and religious figures at approximately half a million, in addition to another 80,000 Muslims from all other walks of life, including doctors, teachers, merchants, tribal chiefs and farmers. The massacres were conducted by Communist members of Khalq and Parcham parties. The terror reached the point where it became a customary event in the capital and other districts for any critic of the regime or its “progressive” (!!) laws to be summarily shot.

At the end of 1979 the activities of the ruling Khalq party shifted to the countryside after they had “cleansed” the cities of oppositionists and “reactionaries”. A ruthless campaign began against farmers and land owners who opposed farm ownership laws and agricultural reform.

At this point armed resistance to the regime expanded greatly. Mujahideen organizations spread and achieved tangible successes, expelling government representatives from their areas. The regime tried to cling to the land in its hands, and greatly widened the killing and use of the army in those districts. The pools of blood did not stop even after the transfer of power to Hafizullah Amin.

Meanwhile, the power and the victories of the Mujahideen grew greatly and unexpectedly, causing a political and military blow to the ruling Revolutionary Council in Kabul as well as the Kremlin. The enormous losses in lives and equipment they suffered made the soldiers and officers shrink from confronting the Mujahideen. To rescue the regime, Moscow decided to use its air force over the broadest possible area. It launched unparalleled and barbaric attacks on Mujahideen regions and rural villages. Thousands of civilians were slain and dozens of villages and large swaths of agricultural lands were incinerated along with their crops.

To counter this aggression, a number of popular armed insurrections were launched, one of which was able to seize control of the city of Herat in March of 1979. Another uprising occurred in the city of Jalalabad in April of the same year, costing thousands of civilian lives to stamp out the insurrectionists. Soviet bomber aircraft deployed from their bases to strike Herat with severe force.

The government lost confidence in the communist officers who had been exhausted by the war and whose ranks had been torn apart. These ranks were also shredded by the internecine campaigns of elimination in the internal struggles between the different Communist fractions.

Many of the officers in the army who were not party members were inclined to help the Mujahideen. Some units joined them along with all of their weapons. Some officers were content with merely leaking information to the Mujahideen.

In September of that same year, the Soviets understood the gravity of the situation as the political and military collapse of the (Kabul) regime became obvious to them. The Mujahideen controlled almost the entire area in the countryside and the mountains and were satisfied with besieging the large cities and skirmishing with their military garrisons. At the same time they were pushing towards the capital with a large force and concentrating in the surrounding mountains, preparatory to storming it. Having no faith in the ruling regime there, the Soviets then decided to take over the job, and enter inside Afghanistan themselves. And President Amin had to leave office.

Preparations began in Moscow to burn Amin politically. The Soviet TASS news agency carried a report from Kabul that former President Taraki had been strangled on 8 October 1979, after being arrested on the orders of Hafizullah Amin. The agency published the names of three soldiers who claimed that they had participated in the act: Officer Muhammad Iqbal, Corporal Abdul Wadud and Private Rawais. The agency did not reveal the source or how it obtained the news. But after the death of President Amin, many of his “crimes and terrorist practices against the people” became known although these were things that he would not have been able to accomplish without Soviet help.

After a while, Amin grasped that the Soviets would get rid of him so he began a desperate race against time, just as President Daoud had done previously. Amin felt as if he were suspended in the air after the party lost most of its cadre in the mutual exterminations and in the battles with the Mujahideen. Amin drafted a quick plan to counter Soviet intentions. For he knew through practice how they thought and how they disposed of their men who were burned after they burned their countries. The plan was centered on courting the growing Islamic power, reaching a truce with them and convincing them to march under his banner. With them he would frighten the Soviets and warn them against touching him.

The plan began with changing the state’s media program and ceasing the campaign against Islam and describing it as a “reactionary force”. He began to refer to Islam as the “official religion of the state” and radio programs started with Bismallah. Recitations of the Quran found their way to the listeners of Radio Kabul, after having been previously banned. Amin did not stop at that, but began a dialogue with the ulema in the mosques about the situation in the country and how to escape from the current predicament.

The Kremlin leadership was not sympathetic to this or happy about it. On 27 September, President Amin received the first serious warning from the Kremlin, cautioning him against this program (to avoid bloodshed!!!) and promised personal support to him and guaranteeing the lives of his family – his wife and four daughters and the lives of all his relatives.

Amin understood from these guarantees and assurances, in Soviet usage, were nothing but a prelude to strike and dispose of him. He also knew that they were preparing Babrak Karmal to take power. Babrak was at the time located in one of the Soviet Republics near the Afghan borders in the company of Aslam Watanjar, the previous Minister of Defense, whom Amin expelled and he had tried to assassinate Amin in collaboration with Taraki in the original conspiracy that ended by bringing Amin to power rather than killing him.

At 3:30 in the afternoon, a large group of Soviet technicians headed out to make repairs on the central telephone exchange located in the Republican Palace. As a result of these “repairs” all telephones connected to the Republican Palace were rendered inoperable. No one paid any attention to this occurring, because this was the completion of repair work that had begun months before and had already been scheduled to be finished that day.

The same night, the Soviet Embassy in Kabul threw a grand cocktail party in honor of the “Great Leader Of Afghanistan”. Most of the leadership of the army and air force were invited to attend. One of the military men that attended described what happened:

“Bottles of vodka were distributed around the tables in a conspicuous manner. The Russians were plying us with wine in strange fashion. It became clear to us afterward they had intended the wine to play with our heads to allow them to carry out their fiendish plan. The food and hors-oeuvres were very delicious and the vodka was even more marvelous. But after I departed the place and returned home I fell unconscious. When memory of this party returned to me, I realized that the Russians had taken the food away quickly and replaced it with appetizers and vodka, and thereby all the officers became paralyzed with inebriation.”

That same night, Hafizullah Amin was sitting in his office pondering the unknown future, when he was surprised by a Soviet officer who burst into his office and handed him a communiqué issued by the Kremlin ordering him to hand over all his powers to the Soviets. The Soviet officer informed him that he had orders to move him and his entire family from Kabul within half an hour, adding that armored vehicles were already surrounding the Republican Palace.

The officer withdrew and Amin quickly thought of how he could make use of the half hour respite granted to him. He tried to contact his men in the army to make them understand the situation, but the phone lines were cut. The Soviet experts had not yet finished the “repair” work which they had begun in the morning.

Then Amin issued orders to the guard to open fire on the Soviet force which was surrounding the place, which numbered 1,200 Soviet soldiers equipped with armored vehicles.

Violent gunfire broke out between the two sides and some of the armored vehicles were set alight. But the attackers overcame the guard, and according to the orders they had received, they arrested the President alive and led him to the Soviet Embassy building, taking with them three sacks filled with important documents from the Republican Palace. In the Soviet Embassy, intelligence officers interrogated Amin for four continuous hours before executing him by firing squad at four in the morning.

(This was the story written by the German correspondent in Kabul, but the confirmed Afghan story is: After the Russian had poisoned his food, Amin went to his home in the Tajbeg Palace overlooking the small hills in south Kabul, near the famous Darul Aman Palace. The Soviet soldiers who arrived on the day that Hafizullah Amin’s food was poisoned stormed the palace using machine guns. They knew the room on the second story of the palace was where Amin was living. They attacked him while he was lying on his bed, killing him there and wounding some members of his family. After they were sure they had killed him, they stopped the attack and took his family members – his wife, four daughters and his son Abdul Rahman, 12 people in all – to the Pol-e Charkhi prison.)

On the same night there was a huge air bridge carrying Soviet forces numbering 80,000 with all their equipment. The Soviets began a swift and decisive operation to seize control of the Afghan capital. A number of Afghan units attempted to resist, but they were put down without mercy. All who tried to resist or protest were shot, no matter what their position in the party or the army was.

Two important people paved the way for the Soviet invasion and the swift and easy subjugation of the Afghan army: General Watanjar, who had remained hidden in the Soviet Embassy since the 14th of September, and General Abdul Qader, whom Amin had arrested a short time before his death on charges of high treason.

Generals Watanjar and Abdul Qader were able to take control of the Ministry of Defense and Presidential Palace. The Soviet Embassy ended the party it had thrown for the top Afghan officers, who left the embassy building intoxicated. Before they arrived home, they heard machine gun fire reverberating around the capital. With difficulty they grasped what was afoot. Some of them tried to head to their units, but to no avail.

A high-ranking officer who later served in the ranks of the Mujahideen said that on the night of the Soviet invasion, the airport officer was surprised by Soviet military aircraft landing on the runway without prior permission. Feelings of confusion prevailed when everybody discovered that no one there knew about these airplanes or who had given them permission to land. So they started to contact the high command, and those commands tried to contact the President of the Republic, to inquire if he had authorized them to receive the Soviet aircraft. Because communications with the Republican Palace had been cut off, those officers’ efforts became fruitless.

The Soviet soldiers landed with armored vehicles from inside huge Antonov aircraft. They swiftly seized control of the airport installations and marched towards the capital.

As for President Amin, the Mujahideen knew that his private doctor was a Soviet agent and he had persistently slipped poison to him during treatment. On the night of the invasion, Amin was robbed of his will and incapable of making any decisions. Enthusiastic statements were launched from Radio Kabul announcing the fall of the Amin’s rule and the appointment of a new President of the Republic, Babrak Karmal. It also announced the release of members of the Communist Parcham Party whom Amin had arrested. General Abdul Qader was also released. Then the voice of the new President Babrak Karmal rang out forcibly announcing: “The fascist regime of Hafizullah Amin has been swept away”.

Those declarations were nothing, but tapes recorded previously in Tashkent, where Karmal had been lurking, waiting for the Soviets to summon him to ascend to the Kabul throne. One night, under the cover of darkness, a Soviet Antonov aircraft transported him from Tashkent to Kabul to become the third Communist President in the history of Afghanistan.

The speed and force of the strike deprived the residents of Kabul not only of the ability to react, but to even imagine what was taking place. The residents of the rest of the country were baffled or drunk with shock from what they were witnessing. All were struck by the paralysis and impotence. No one wanted to believe what he was seeing and hearing.

Harbingers of Jihad

With the arrival of Taraki to the seat of government as the first Communist President in the history of Afghanistan and the success of the Communist regime in controlling the country with prompt speed, the ulema launched a violent campaign of criticism against the former ruling regime of President Daoud, the in-law and cousin of King Zahir Shah. They accused the two of opening the door wide for the infiltration of communist ideas among the youth, an increase of Soviet influence in the country and an expansion in sending military academy cadets and officers to receive their education in Moscow, where they were indoctrinated with Communist principles. The Daoud era was the one in which Communist organizations began to be established and to infiltrate the security apparatus and civil administration.

However, after Daoud sensed the imminent danger his communist friends posed to himself and that Soviet pressure on him was increasing, he moved to arrest prominent Communist leaders in an attempted race against time. But the opportunity slipped from between his hands. The Communists were able to beat him and aim their blow against him and strip the country from his grasp and in doing so drowned Afghanistan in a dark sea of blood.

The Muslim ulema had passed through difficult times during the reign of King Zahir Shah and the subsequent rule of his cousin, President of the Republic Daoud. During their two reigns, successive governments strived to stifle action by the ulema. One means of doing this was appointing some of them to government posts and prominent social situations. For the most part, however, these labors went the way of the winds and yielded no results.

This is regarded as an extension of those efforts that go back to old times, beginning with King Amanullah in 1929, when the king tried to overturn the notions of the Afghan people about Islam and replace these with Western ideas until he was answered with a popular revolution led by the Muslim ulema which resulted in him losing his throne.

First day of the coup

Nur Muhammad Taraki had barely returned to the seat of government in the People’s Palace when Marxist Parties began executing a well-studied and masterful plan to physically eliminate their political competitors. In less serious cases, they threw them into awful prisons, none other than the Pol-e Charkhi prison where no one knew anything about them.

The Communist coup, which occurred on the evening of 27 April, began at dawn on 27 April in order to execute its previously prepared program to eliminate the Islamists. Communist cells throughout the country had beforehand compiled detailed lists with the names of persons who had to be killed “to guarantee the safety of the revolution”.

The lists contained the names and addresses of tens of thousands of men, ulema, and students of religious madrasas in addition to university and college students and even tribal leaders. The lists did not exclude one person who had any connection or suspected links to Islamist activity. In a series of raids, thousands of men and youths were led away, to no one knows where.

Thousands were executed immediately. For those found in the outskirts of the cities or in the countryside, they were ordered to lie flat on the ground where they were mowed down with fire from heavy machine guns mounted on armored vehicles and tanks, which would run over them at the end of the massacre to make sure that the mission was fully accomplished and none of those upon whom suspicion fell remained alive.

The Second Day of the Coup

Hundreds of homes were burned in the villages and the mountains and the families of those wanted men who had been able to escape were arrested and detained as hostages until the fugitives gave themselves up. Mosques large and small were attacked. Any attempt at protest, or even holding up a sign expressing dissatisfaction, was debated with the muzzle of a rifle. In short, the theory of “revolutionary violence” was applied with exemplariness worthy to be taught in the highest Marxist institutes.

Throughout their long history, the Afghan people had never seen anything at all like this huge “accomplishment” by any government. So cruel and violent was this blow that they were frozen and struck by what resembled complete paralysis. Even the tough mountain men – who traditionally keep weapons and rifles to defend themselves – were afflicted by this paralysis. For the first time, tanks and armored vehicles were trampling their villages and high speed jet fighters were circling near the roofs of their homes, shaking the spirit and killing any idea of disobedience. For the first time the central government was able to humble the mountain tribes and burn their homes; to arrest their leaders and their ulema, to throw them in prison or to execute them in full view of all.

A few inside the country however were able to recover swiftly from the fright of that first blow of blood and terror. On the third day, the first act of resistance to the new regime began, as an example and a traditional pattern to be followed in many parts of the country even if the details differed. The following incident occurred:

The First Rebellion in Zadran

The Place: A mountain region in Paktia province where the Zadran tribe dwells.

The Event: The arrival of a notification from the government to one family requiring their presence at the police center to receive the corpse of one of their sons, killed hours after his arrest.

The corpse was handed over to them and the officer gave the family instructions that the body was to be buried quickly with no ceremony, no reading of the Quran, or any other religious or traditional ceremony for the burial of the dead. To guarantee his orders were followed, the officer sent a squad of his men to guard the funeral party until the body was buried. A son of the village, Major Muhammad Akbar, was hiding outside the village near his clan. He was well known in the army for his integrity and his hostility to the Communists. At night Akbar made an agreement with the village scholar Maulavi Aziz Khan that after the burial he would stand up and preach to the people, making clear to them the shari’ah requirement to fight this infidel regime which was controlling the country. He also told a number of the young men of the village of the plan.

On the morning of the next day, the quick, sad and silent funeral procession moved out with their guard of security men armed with automatic weapons. Quietly the martyr was buried. The village cleric Maulavi Aziz Khan stood and gave a speech, starting with Alhamdulillah and beseeching mercy for the departed. Then suddenly he cried in a loud voice calling upon those present to declare Jihad and fight the infidel government.

Immediately cries of Allahu Akbar echoed off the mountain sides and reverberated through the valleys. The men pounced on the security men who were thunderstruck and swiftly killed by the village men who seized their weapons. The men immediately went down to the police center, destroying it and killing the officers and soldiers. They seized the weapons and ammunition they found there and liberated the prisoners inside.

What happened in Zadran was repeated in dozens of places in the mountains and plains, in the cities and villages at the hands of men who had gained control of themselves and recovered after two days from the shock of insane violence practiced by the new regime. But the Afghan army was composed of 80,000 soldiers armed with the latest Soviet weaponry. Its leadership of “revolutionary comrades” assumed responsibility for opposing this “counter-revolution”. Columns of armored vehicles began to push towards mutinous villages and wiped them from existence, as bomber aircraft leveled the mountains with hundreds of tons of bombs. How swiftly had the “revolutionary violence” evolved from simple arrests according to previously prepared lists to punitive military operations to confront a campaign of guerrilla warfare involving martyrdom squads.

The year of the “revolution” had not ended before the army officers and party cadre were searching for a solution to the problem that they began, but could not finish or even control.

Translated From The Islamic Emirate Of Afghanistan: Al-Somood Monthly Magazine

Submitted by a Mujahid

jalaluddin Haqqani, a Legend in the History of the Afghanistan Jihad part 1

Jalaluddin Haqqani: A Legend of the Afghanistan Jihad, Part II. Demolishing the Myth of the Red Army in Paktia