the Jewish peril The Protocols of the learned elders of Zion

The Table of Contents can be found at the end of this document and also by clicking the section and paragraph headings.

THE EXHAUSTION of yet another edition of this work shows that there is no falling off in the public demand to be informed about the Protocols of Zion. It is becoming clearer every day that the policy of the Protocols is now being enforced on all nations, since, as Mr. Israel Zangwill boasts, their governments are all packed with Jews and their agents.

To Professor Sergyei Nilus the world is indebted for the publication of this terrible book. Thus it happens that whilst Russia has been made the victim of Jewry's undying hate, having been selected by the Elders of Zion to be made an example of Jewish vengeance, Russia has also sounded the tocsin which has aroused the world. To the courage, persistence and devotion of this true son of real Russia the world owes it that the Hidden Hand is now laid bare to its skin and claws. The chaos prevailing everywhere here finds its object and cause explained.

Let every reader of the Protocols study well the Introduction and the Epilogue, which are contributed by Nilus himself, and especially the Epilogue in connection with Protocol III, revealing the track of the Symbolic Serpent in its strangling coil round Europe. The poignency of the writer's grief over the then impending fate of his beloved country, which he tried in vain to avert, cannot fail to cut every sympathetic reader to the heart.

And it must be borne in mind that Nilus first published the Protocols in 1902; that the edition from which our translation was made was published in 1905, and that the actual copy which was used in the translation is now in the British Museum, having stamped on it the date of its reception, 10th August, 1906. There is no getting over these dates, which prove that the World War, the crucifixion of Russia, strikes, revolutions and assassinations, have all taken place "according to plan." And that plan was not the plan of Germany, nor the plan of England, nor the plan of any other nation except the Nation of Jewry, with its secret language and secret government—The Hidden Hand—now, at length, completely revealed in the Protocols, which, it need hardly be said, were never intended for Gentile eyes to see.

Of course, Jews say the Protocols are a forgery. But the Great War was no forgery; the fate of Russia is no forgery; and these were predicted by the Learned Elders as long ago as 1901. The Great War was no German war—it was a Jew war. It was plotted by Jews, and was waged by Jewry on the Stock Exchanges of world. The generals and the admirals were all controlled by Jewry. The revelations of the Jutland Battle and its sequel give one small example of how the Jews conducted the war, whether by land or sea; how they secured the "profits" of the war for Jews, and how they obtained controlling power for Jewry over all the belligerents.

Reader! The publication of this work throws a great responsibility on You.

A MANUSCRIPT has been handed to me by a personal friend, now deceased, which with extraordinary precision and clearness describes the plan and development of a sinister world-wide conspiracy, having for its object that of bringing the unregenerate World to its inevitable dismemberment.

This document came into my possession some four years ago (1901), with the positive assurance that it is a true copy in translation, of original documents stolen by a woman from one of the most influential and most highly initiated leaders of Freemasonry (Orient Freemasonry). The theft was accomplished at the close of a secret meeting of the "initiated" in France, that nest of "Jewish masonic conspiracy."

To those who would see and hear, I venture to reveal this manuscript under the title of "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion." On first scanning through these minutes, they might convey the impression of being what we usually call truisms, and appear to be more or less ordinary truths, though expressed with a pungency and a hatred which does not usually accompany ordinary truths. There seethes between the lines that arrogant and deep-rooted racial and religious hatred, which has been so long successfully concealed, and it bubbles over and flows, as it were, from an overfilled vessel of rage and revenge, fully conscious that its triumphant end is near.

We cannot omit to remark that its title does not altogether correspond to its contents. These are not exactly minutes of meetings, but a report made by some powerful person, divided into sections not always in a logical sequence. They convey the impression of being the part of something threatening and more important, the beginning of which is missing. The aforementioned origin of this document speaks for itself.

By the prophecies of the Holy Fathers, Anti-Christ's doings must always be a parody on Christ's life, and must have likewise their Judas. But, of course, from an earthly point of view, its Judas will not achieve his ends; thus, although of brief duration, a complete victory of the "world ruler" is assured. This reference to W. Soloviev's words is not intended to be used as a proof of their scientific authority. From an eschatological point of view, science is out of place, the important part is fate. Soloviev gives us the canvas, the embroidery will be worked by the proposed manuscript.

We might be justly reproached with the apocryphal nature of this document; but were it possible to prove this world-wide conspiracy by means of letters or by declarations of witnesses, and if its leaders could be unmasked holding its sanguinary threads, the "mysteries of iniquity," would by this very fact, be violated. To prove itself, it has to remain unmolested till the day of its incarnation in the "son of perdition."

In the present complications of criminal proceedings we cannot look for direct proofs, but we have to be satisfied with circumstantial evidence, and with such the mind of every indignant Christian observer is filled.

That which is written in this work ought to suffice for those "who have ears to hear" as being obvious and is offered them with the intention of urging them to protect themselves while there is yet time, and to be on their guard. Our conscience will be satisfied if by the grace of God we attain this most important aim of warning the Gentile world without exciting in its heart wrath against the blinded people of Israel. We trust that the Gentiles will not entertain feelings of hatred against the erroneously believing mass of Israel in its innocence of the Satanic sin of its leaders—the Scribes and Pharisees—who have already once proved themselves to be the destruction of Israel. Turning aside the wrath of God, there remains but one way—union of all Christians in Our Lord Jesus Christ and total extermination—repentance for ourselves and for others.

But is this possible in the present unregenerate condition of the world? It is impossible for the world, but still possible for believing Russia. The present political conditions of Western European states and of their affiliated countries in other continents were prophesied by the Prince of Apostles. Mankind in its aspiration to perfect its terrestrial life and in its search of a better realisation of the idea of power, which could secure everybody's well-being, and in its quest of a reign of universal satiety, which has become the highest ideal of human life, has changed the direction of its ideals by pronouncing the Christian faith as entirely discredited and not having justified the hopes bestowed on it. Overthrowing former idols, creating new ones, and raising new gods on to pedestals, the world erects for them temples, one more luxurious and more magnificent than the other, and again deposes and destroys them. Mankind has lost the very conception of the power granted by God to kings anointed, and is approaching the conditions of anarchy. Soon the swivel of the republican and constitutional scales will be worn through. The scales will collapse, and in their fall will carry away all the governments to the very abyss of raging anarchy.

The world's last rampart and last refuge from coming storm is Russia. Her true faith is still alive, the anointed Emperor still stands as her sure protector.

All the efforts of destruction on the part of the sinister and evident servants of the Anti-Christ, his conscious and unconscious workers, are concentrated on Russia. The reasons are understood, the objects are known, they must be known to believing and faithful Russia. The more threatening the coming historical moment is, the more frightening the approaching events concealed in the dense clouds are, the more courageously and with greater determination the brave and intrepid hearts of the Russians must beat. Bravely ought they to join hands round the sacred banner of their Church and round the throne their Emperor. So long as the soul lives, so long also the flaming heart beats in the bosom, there is no room for the deathly spectre of despair; but it is for us, and for our fidelity, to gain the Almighty's mercy and to delay the hour of Russia's fall.

WE WILL BE PLAINSPOKEN and discuss the significance of each reflection, and by comparisons and deductions we will produce full explanations. By this means I will expose the conception of our policy and that of the Goys (i.e., Jewish definition of all Gentiles). It must be noted that people with corrupt instincts are more numerous than those of noble instinct. Therefore in governing the world the best results are obtained by means of violence and intimidation, and not by academic discussions. Every man aims at power; everyone would like to become a dictator if he only could do so, and rare indeed are the men who would not be disposed to sacrifice the welfare of others in order to attain their own personal aims.

What restrained the wild beasts of prey which we call men? What has ruled them up to now? In the first stages of social life they submitted to brute and blind force, then to law, which in reality is the same force, only masked. From this I am led to deduct that by the law of nature, right lies in might. Political freedom is not a fact, but an idea. This idea one must know how to apply when it is necessary, in order to use the same as a bait to attract the power of the populace to one's party, if such party has decided to usurp the power of a rival. The problem is simplified if the said rival becomes infected with ideas of freedom, so-called liberalism, and for the sake of this idea yields some of his power.

In this the triumph of our idea will become apparent. The relinquished reins of government by the law of life are immediately seized by a new hand, because the blind strength of the populace cannot exist for a single day without a leader, and the new government only fills the place of the old, which has been weakened by its liberalism.

Nowadays the power of gold has superseded liberal rulers. There was a time when religion ruled. The idea of freedom is not realisable, because no one knows how to use it with discretion.

It suffices to give the populace self-government for a short period for this populace to become a disorganised rabble. From that very moment dissensions start which soon develop into social battles; the States are set in flames and their total significance vanishes. Whether the state is exhausted by its own internal convulsions, or whether civil wars hand it over to an external foe, it can in any case be considered definitely and finally destroyed—it will be in our power. The despotism of capital, which is entirely in our hands, will hold out to it a straw, to which the state will be unavoidably compelled to cling; if it does not do so, it will inevitably fall into the abyss.

Of anybody who might, from motives of liberalism, be inclined to remark that discussions of this kind are immoral, I would ask the question, why is it not immoral for a state which has two enemies, one external and one internal, to use different means of defence against the former to that which it would use against the latter, to make secret plans of defence, to attack him by night or with superior forces? Why should it then be immoral for the state to use these means against that which ruins the foundations and welfare of its life?

Can a sound and logical mind hope successfully to govern mobs by using arguments and reasoning, when there is a possilility of such arguments and reasonings being contradicted by other arguments, although these may possibly be ridiculous, but are made to appear more attractive to that portion of the populace which cannot think very deeply, guided as it is entirely by petty passions, habits, and conventions, and by sentimental theories? The uninitiated and ignorant populace, together with those who have risen from among them, get entangled in party dissensions which hinder all possibility of agreement even on a basis of sound arguments. Every decision of the masses is dependent on a chance or prearranged majority which, in its ignorance of political mysteries, passes absurd resolutions, thus sowing the germs of anarchy in the government.

Politics have nothing in common with morals. A ruler governed by morals is not a skilled politician, hence he is not firm on his throne. He who wants to rule must have recourse to cunningness and hypocrisy. The great human qualities of sincerity and honesty become vices in politics. They dethrone with more certainty than the bitterest enemy. These qualities have to be the attributes of the Gentile countries, but we are not in the least forced to be guided by them. Our right lies in might. The word "right" is an abstract idea established by nothing. This word signifies no more than "give me what I want in order to enable me to prove thereby that I am stronger than you are."

Where does "right" begin? Where does it end? In a state where power is badly organised, where the laws and the personality of the ruler are rendered inefficacious by the continual encroaching of liberalism, I take up a new line of attack, making use of the right of might to destroy the existing rules and regulations, seize the laws, reorganise all the institutions, and thus become the dictator of those who, of their own free will, liberally renounced their power and conferred it on us. Our strength under the present shaky condition of the civil powers will be stronger than any other, because it will be invisible till the moment when it becomes so strong that no cunning designs will undermine it.

From the temporary evil, to which we are now obliged to have recourse, will emerge the benefit of an unshakeable rule, which will reinstate the course of the mechanism of natural existence, which has been destroyed by liberalism. The end justifies the means. In making our plans we must pay attention not so much to what good and moral, as to what is necessary and profitable.

We have in front of us a plan in which a strategic line is shown. From that line we cannot deviate unless we are going to destroy the work of centuries. To work out a suitable scheme of action one must bear in mind the meanness, instability, and want of ballast on the part of the crowd, its incapability to understand and respect the conditions of its own existence and of its own welfare. One must understand that the might of the crowd is blind and void of reason in discrimination, and that it lends its ear right and left. If the blind lead the blind, they will both fall together into the ditch. Consequently those members of the crowd who are upstarts from the people, even were they geniuses, cannot come forward as leaders of the mass without ruining the nation. Only a person brought up to autocratic sovereignty can read the words formed by political letters. The people abandoned to itself, i.e., to upstarts from the masses, is ruined by party dissensions which arise from greed of power and honours and which create disturbances and disorder.

Is it possible for the mass to discriminate quietly, and without jealousies to administer the affairs of state, which they must not confuse with their personal interests? Can they be a defence against a foreign foe? This is impossible, as a plan broken up into as many parts as there are minds in the mass loses its value, and therefore becomes unintelligible and unworkable. Alone an autocrat can conceive vast plans clearly assigning its proper part to everything in the mechanism of the machine of state. Hence we conclude that it is expedient for the welfare of the country that the government of the same should be in the hands of one responsible person. Without absolute despotism civilisation cannot exist, for civilisation is capable of being promoted only under the protection of the ruler, whoever he may be, and not at the hands of the masses.

The crowd is a barbarian, and acts as such on every occasion. As soon as the mob has secured freedom it speedily turns it into anarchy, which in itself is the height of barbarism.

Just look at these alcoholised animals stupefied by the drink, of which unlimited use is tolerated by freedom! Should we allow ourselves and our fellow creatures to do likewise? The people of the Christians, bewildered by alcohol, their youths turned crazy by classics and early debauchery, to which they have been instigated by our agents, tutors, servants, governesses in rich houses, clerks, and so forth, by our women in places of their amusement—to the latter I add the so-called "society women"—their voluntary followers in corruption and luxury. Our motto must be "All means of force and hypocrisy ."

Only sheer force is victorious in politics, especially if it is concealed in the talent indispensable for statesmen. Violence must the principle, cunning and hypocrisy must be the rule of those Governments which do not wish to lay down their crown at the feet of the agents of some new power. This evil is the only means of attaining the goal of good. Therefore, we must not stop short before bribery, deceit and treachery, if these are to serve achievement of our cause.

In politics we must know how to confiscate property without any hesitation, if by so doing we can attain subjection and power. Our State, following the way of peaceful conquest, has the right of substituting for the terrors of war executions, less apparent and more expedient, which are necessary to uphold terror, producing blind submission. Just and implacable severity is the chief factor in State power. Not only for the sake of advantage, but also for that of duty and victory, we must keep to the programme of violence and hypocrisy. Our principles are as powerful as the means by which we put them into execution. That is why not only by these very means, but by the severity of our doctrines, we shall triumph and shall enslave all Governments under our super-Government. It suffices that it should be known that we are implacable in preventing recalcitrance. Even of old we were the first to cry out to the people "Libery, equality, and fraternity." Words so often repeated since that time by ignorant parrots flocking together from far and wide round these signposts; by repeating them they deprived the world of its prosperity and the individual of his real personal freedom, which formerly had been so well guarded from being choked by the mob.

The would-be wise and intelligent Gentiles did not discern how abstract were the words which they were uttering, and did not notice how little these words agreed with one another and even contradicted each other.

They did not see that in Nature there is no equality and that she herself created different and unequal standards of mind, character and capacity. It is likewise with the subjection to Nature's laws. These wiseacres did not divine that the mob is a blind power, and that the upstarts elected from its midst as rulers are likewise blind in politics; that a man intended to be a ruler, although a fool, can govern, but that a man who has not been so intended, although he might be a genius, would understand nothing of politics. All this was left out of sight by the Gentiles. At the same time, it was on this basis that dynastic rule was founded. The father used to instruct the son in the meaning and in the course of political evolutions in such a manner that no one except the members of the dynasty should have knowledge of it, and that none could disclose the secrets to the governed people. In time, the meaning of true political teachings as transmitted in dynasties from one generation to another was lost, and this loss contributed to the success of our cause. Our call of "Liberty, equality, and fraternity", brought whole legions to our ranks from all four corners of the world through our unconscious agents, and these legions carried our banners with ecstacy.

In the meantime these words were eating, like so many worms, into the well being of the Christians and were destroying their peace, steadfastness and uriity, thus ruining the foundations of the States. As we shall see later on, it was this action which brought about our triumph. It gave us the possibility among other things of playing the ace of trumps—-namely, the abolition of privileges; in other words, the existence of the Gentile aristocracy, which was the only protection nations and countries had against ourselves. On the ruins of natural and hereditary aristocracy we built an aristocracy of our own on a plutocratic basis. We established this new aristocracy on wealth, of which we had control, and on science promoted by scholars. Our triumph was rendered easier by the fact that we, through our connections with people who were indispensable to us, always worked upon the most susceptible part of the human mind, namely, by playing on our victims' weakness for profits, on their greed, on their insatiability, and on the material requirements of man; for each one of the said weaknesses, taken by itse]j, is capable of destroying initiative, thus handing over the will-power of the people to the mercy of those who would deprive them of all their power of initiative. The abstractness of the word " freedom " made it possible to convince the mob that the government is nothing else than a manager, representing the owner, that is to say, the nation, and can be discarded like a worn-out pair of gloves. The fact that the representatives of the nation can be deposed delivered these representatives into our power and practically put their appointment into our hands.

PROTOCOL II

It is indispensible for our purpose that wars should not produce any territorial alterations. Thus, without territorial modifications, war would be transferred on to an economical footing. Then nations will recognise our superiority in the assistance which we shall render, and this state of affairs will put both sides at the mercy of our international million-eyed agents, who are possessed of absolutely unlimited means. Then our international rights will sweep away the laws of the world and will rule countries in the same manner as individual governments rule their subjects.

We will select administrators from among the public, who will be possessed of servile tendencies. They will not be experienced in the art of government and therefore will be easily turned into pawns in our game in the hands of our learned and wise counsellors, who have been especially trained from early childhood for governing the world. As is already known to you, these men have studied the science of governing from our political plans, from experience of history and from observation of passing events. The Gentiles do not profit by continuous historical observations, but follow theoretical routine without contemplating what the results of the same may be. Therefore we need not take the Gentiles into consideration. Let them enjoy themselves until the time comes, or let them live in hopes of new amusements or on the reminiscences of passed joys. Let them think that these laws of theory, with which we have inspired them, are of supreme importance to them. With this object in view, and with the help of our press, we continually increase their blind faith in these laws. The educated classes of the Gentiles will pride themselves in their learning and, without verifying it, they will put into practice the knowledge obtained from science which was dished up to them by our agents with the object of educating their minds in the direction which we required.

Do not imagine that our assertions are empty words. Note here the success of Darwin, Marx and Nietsche pre-arranged by us. The demoralising effect of the tendencies of these sciences on the Gentile mind should certainly be obvious to us.

In order to refrain from making mistakes in our policy and administrative work, it is essential for us to study and bear in mind the present line of thought, the characters and tendencies of nations.

The triumph of our theory is its adaptability to the temperament of the nations with which we come contact. It cannot be successful if its practical application is not based on the experience of the past in conjunction with observations of the present. The press in the hands of existing governments is a great power, by which the control of peoples' minds is obtained. The press demonstrates the vital claims of the populace, advertises complaints and sometimes creates discontent among the mob. The realisation of free speech is born in the press. But governments did not know how to make proper use of this power, and it fell into our hands. Through the press we achieved influence, although we ourselves kept in the background. Thanks to the press we accumulated gold, though it cost us streams of blood: it cost us the sacrifice of many of our people, but every sacrifice on our side is worth thousands of Gentiles before God.

Today I can assure you that we are only within a few strides of our goal. There remains only a short distance and the cycle of the Symbolic Serpent—that badge of our people—will be complete. When this circle is locked, all the States of Europe will be enclosed in it, as it were, by unbreakable chains.

The existing constructional scales will soon collapse because we are continually throwing them out of balance in order the more quickly to wear them out and destroy their efficiency.

The Gentiles thought that the scales had been made sufficiently strong and expected them to balance accurately. But the supporters of the scales—that is to say, the heads of States—are hampered by their servants who are of no avail to them, drawn away as they are by this unlimited power of intrigue which is theirs, thanks to the terrors prevailing in the palaces.

As the sovereign has no means of access to the hearts of his people, he cannot defend himself against the power-loving intriguers. As the watchful power has been separated by us from the blind power of the populace, both have lost their significance, because once parted they are as helpless as a blind man without a stick. In order to induce lovers of power to make a bad use of their rights, we set all powers one against the other by encouraging their liberal tendencies towards independence. We encouraged every undertaking in this direction; we placed formidable weapons in the hands of all parties and made power the goal of every ambition. Out of governments we made arenas on which party wars are fought out. Soon open disorder and bankruptcy will appear everywhere.

Insuppressible babblers transformed parliamentary and administrative meetings into debating meetings. Audacious journalists and impudent pamphleteers are continually attacking the administrative powers. Abuse of power will definitely prepare the crash of all institutions and everything will fall prostrate under the blows of the raging populace. The people are enslaved in the sweat of their brows in poverty after a manner more formidable than the laws of serfdom. From the latter they could free themselves by some means or another, whereas nothing will liberate them from the tyranny of absolute want. We took care to insert rights in constitutions which for the masses are purely fictitious.

All the so-called "rights of the people" can only exist in ideas which are not applicable in practice. How does it avail a workman of the proletariat, who is bent double by work and oppressed by his fate, if a chatterer gets the right to speak or a journalist the right to publish any kind of rubbish? What good is a constitution to the proletariat if they get no other advantage from it except the crumbs which we throw them from our table in return for their votes to elect our agents? Republican rights are an irony for the pauper, for the necessity of every day's labour keeps him from gaining any advantage by such rights and it only takes away the guarantee of continuous fixed wages, making him dependent on employers, strikes and comrades. Under our auspices the populace exterminated the aristocracy which had supported and guarded the people for its own benefit, which benefit is inseparable from the welfare of the populace. Nowadays, having destroyed the privileges of the aristocracy, the people fall under the yoke of cunning profiteers and upstarts.

We intend to appear as though we were the liberators of the labouring man, come to free him from this oppression, when we shall suggest to him to join the ranks of our armies of Socialists, Anarchists and Communists. The latter we always patronise, pretending to help them out of fraternal principle and the general interest of humanity evoked by our socialistic masonry. The aristocracy, who by right shared the labour of the working classes, were interested in the same being well-fed, healthy and strong. We are interested in the opposite, i.e., in the degeneration of the Gentiles. Our strength lies in keeping the working man in perpetual want and impotence; because, by so doing, we retain him subject to our will and, in his own surroundings, he will never find either power or energy to stand up against us. Hunger will confer upon Capital more powerful rights over the labourer than ever the lawful power of the sovereign could confer upon the aristocracy.

We govern the masses by making use of feelings of jealousy and hatred kindled by oppression and need. And by means of these feelings we brush aside those who impede us in our course.

When the time comes for our Worldly Ruler to be crowned, we will see to it that by the same means—that is to say, by making use of the mob—we will destroy everything that may prove to be an obstacle in our way.

The Gentiles are no longer capable of thinking without our aid in matters of science. That is why they do not realise the vital necessity of certain things; which we will make a point of keeping against the moment when our hour arrives—namely, that in schools the only true and the most important of all sciences must be taught, that is, the science of the life of man and social conditions, both of which require a division of labour and therefore the classification of people in castes and classes. It is imperative that every one should know that true equality cannot exist owing to the different nature of various kinds of work, and those who act in a manner detrimental to a whole caste have a different responsibility before the law to those who commit a crime only affecting their personal honour.

The true science of social conditions, to the secrets of which we do not admit the Gentiles, would convince the world that occupations and labour should be kept in specified castes so as not to cause human suffering, arising from an education which does not correspond with the work which individuals are called upon to do. If they were to study this science, the people would of their own free will submit to the ruling powers and to the castes of government classified by them. Under the present conditions of science and the line which we have allowed it follow, the populace, in its ignorance, blindly believes in printed words and in erroneous illusions which have been duly inspired by us, and it bears malice to all classes it thinks higher than itself. For it does not understand the importance of each caste. This hatred will become still more acute where economical crises are concerned, for then it will stop the markets and production. We will create a universal economical crisis, by all possible underhand means and with the help of gold, which is all in our hands. Simultaneously we will throw on to the streets huge crowds of workmen throughout Europe. These masses will then gladly throw themselves upon and shed the blood of those of whom, in their ignorance, they have been jealous from childhood, and whose belongings they will then be able to plunder.

They will not harm us, because the moment of the attack will be known to us and we will take measures protect our interests.

We persuaded the Gentiles that liberalism would bring them to a kingdom of reason. Our despotism will be of this nature, for it will be in a position to put down all rebellions and by just severity to exterminate every liberal idea from all institutions.

When the populace noticed that it was being given all sorts of rights in the name of liberty, it imagined itself to be the master, and tried to assume power. Of course, like every other blind man, the mass came up against innumerable obstacles. Then, as it did not wish to return to the former regime, it lay its power at our feet. Remember the French Revolution, which we call the "Great," the secrets of its preparatory organisation are well known to us, being the work of our hands. From that time onwards we have led nations from one disappointment to another, so that they should even renounce us in favour of the King-Despot of the blood of Zion, whom we are preparing for the world. At present we, as an international force, are invulnerable, because, whilst we are attacked by one Gentile government, we are upheld by others. In their intense meanness the Christian peoples help our independence—when kneeling they crouch before power; when they are pitiless towards the weak; merciless in dealing with faults and lenient to crimes ; when they refuse to recognise the contradictions of freedom; when they are patient to the degree of martyrdom in bearing with the violence of an audacious despotism.

At the hands of their present dictators, premiers and ministers, they endure abuses, for the smallest of which they would have murdered twenty kings. How is this state of affairs to be explained? Why are the masses so illogical in their conception of events? The reason is, that despots persuade the people through their agents, that, although they may misuse their power and do injury to the state, this injury is done with a high purpose, i.e., in order to attain prosperity for the populace, for the sake of international fraternity, unity and equality.

Certainly they do not tell them that such unification can only be obtained under our rule. So we see the populace condemning the innocent, and acquitting the guilty, convinced that it can always do what it pleases. Owing to this state of mind the mob destroys all solidity and creates disorder at every turn and corner. The word "liberty" brings society into conflict with all the powers, even with that of Nature and of God. That is why, when we come into power, we must strike the word "liberty" out of the human dictionary, as being the symbol of beastial power, which turns the populace into blood-thirsty animals. But we must bear in mind that these animals fall asleep as soon as they are satiated with blood, and at that moment it is easy to enchant and enslave them. If they are not given blood, they will not sleep, but will fight with one another.

PROTOCOL IV

Every republic passes through various stages. The first stage is the first days raging of the blind, sweeping and destroying right and left. The second, the reign of the demagogue, bringing forth anarchy and entailing despotism. This despotism is not officially legal, and, therefore, irresponsible; it is concealed and invisible, but, all the same, lets itself be felt. It is generally controlled by some secret organisation, which acts behind the back of some agent, and will, therefore, be the more unscrupulous and daring. This secret power will not mind changing its agents who mask it. The changes will even help the organisation, which will thus be able to rid itself of old servants, to whom it would have been necessary to pay larger bonuses for long service. Who or what can dethrone an invisible power? Now this is just what our government is. The masonic lodge throughout the world unconsciously acts as a mask for our purpose. But the use that we are going to make of this power in our plan of action, and even our headquarters, remain perpetually unknown to the world at large.

Liberty could be harmless and exist in governments and countries without being detrimental to the welfare of the people, if it were based on religion and fear of God, on human fraternity, free from ideas of equality, which are in direct contradiction to the laws of creation, and which have ordained submission.

Governed by such a faith as this, the people would be ruled under the guardianship of their parishes, and would exist quietly and humbly under the guidance of the spiritual pastor, and submit to God's disposition on earth. That is why we must extract the very conception of God from the minds of the Christians and replace it by arithmetical calculations and material needs. In order to divert the minds of the Christians from our policy, it is essential that we should keep them occupied with trade and commerce. Thus all nations will be striving for their own profits, and in this universal struggle will not notice their common enemy. But, so that liberty should entirely dislocate and ruin the social life of the Gentiles, we must put commerce on a speculative basis. The result of this will be, that the riches of the land extracted by production will not remain in the hands of the Gentiles, but will pass through speculation into our coffers.

The struggle for superiority and continuous speculations in the business world will create a demoralised, selfish and heartless society. This society will become completely indifferent and even disgusted by religion and politics. Lust of gold will be their only guide. And this society will strive after this gold, making a veritable cult of the materialistic pleasures with which it can keep them supplied. Then the lower classes will join us against our competitors—the privileged Gentiles—with no pretence a noble motive, or even for the sake of riches, but out pure hatred towards the upper classes.

PROTOCOL V

What kind of government can one give to societies in which bribery and corruption have penetrated everywhere, where riches can only be obtained by cunning surprises and fraudulent means, in which dissensions continuously prevail; where morality must be supported by punishment and strict laws, and not by, voluntary accepted principles, in which patriotic and religious feelings are merged in cosmopolitan convictions?

What form of government can be given to these societies other than the despotic form, which I describe to you?

We will organise a strong centralised government, so as to gain social powers for ourselves. By new laws we will regulate the political life of our subjects, as though they were so many parts of a machine. Such laws will gradually restrict all freedom and liberties allowed by the Gentiles. Thus our reign will develop into such a mighty despotism, that it will be able at any time or place to squash discontented or recalcitrant Gentiles.

We shall be told that the kind of despotism which I suggest will not suit the actual progress of civilisation, but I will prove to you that the contrary is the case. In the days when the people looked on their sovereigns as on the will of God, they quietly submitted to the despotism of their monarchs. But from the day that we inspired the populace with the idea of its own rights, they began to regard kings as ordinary mortals. In the eye of the mob the holy anointment fell from the head of monarchs, and, when we took away their religion, the power was thrown into the streets like public property, and was snatched up by us. Moreover, among our administrative gifts, we count also that of ruling the masses and individuals by means of cunningly constructed theories and phraseology, by rules of life and every other kind of device. All these theories, which the Gentiles do not at all understand, are based on analysis and observation, combined with so skilful a reasoning as cannot be equalled by our rivals, any more than these can compete with us in the construction of plans for political actions and solidarity. The only society known to us which would be capable of competing with us in these arts, might be that of the Jesuits. But we have managed to discredit these in the eyes of the stupid mob as being a palpable organisation, whereas we ourselves have kept in the background, reserving our organisation as a secret.

Moreover, what difference will it make to the world who is to become its master, whether the head of the Catholic Church, or a despot of the blood of Zion?

But to us, "the Chosen People," the matter cannot be indifferent. For a time the Gentiles might perhaps be able to deal with us. But oh this account we need fear no danger, as we are safeguarded by the deep roots of their hatred for one another, which cannot be extracted.

We set at variance with one another all personal and national interests of the Gentiles, by promulgating religious and tribal prejudices among them, for nearly twenty centuries. To all this, the fact is due that not one single government will find support from its neighbours when it calls upon them for it, in opposing us, because each one of them will think that action against us might be disastrous for its individual existence. We are too powerful—the world has to reckon with us. Governments cannot make even a small treaty without our being secretly involved in it. Per me reges regunt—let kings reign through me. We read in the Law of Prophets that we have been chosen by God to rule the earth. God gave us genius, in order that we should be capable of performing this work. Were there a genius in the enemy's camp he might yet fight us, but a newcomer would be no match for old hands like ourselves, and the struggle between us would be of such a desperate nature as the world has never yet seen. It is already too for their genius. All the wheels of state-mechanism are set in motion by a power, which is in our hands, that to say—gold.

The science of political economy, thought out by our learned scientists, has already proved that the power of capital is greater than the prestige of the Crown.

Capital, in order to have a free field, must obtain absolute monopoly of trade and commerce. This is already being achieved by an invisible hand in all parts of world. Such a freedom will give political power to traders, who, by profiteering, will oppress the populace.

Nowadays it is more important to disarm the people than to lead them to war. It is more important to use burning passions for our cause, than to extinguish them; to encourage the ideas of others and use them for our own purpose, than to dissipate them. The main problem for our government is: how to weaken the brain of the public by criticism, how to make it lose its power of reasoning, which creates opposition, and how to distract the public mind by senseless phraseology.

At all times nations, as well as individuals, have taken words for deeds, as they are contented with what they hear, and seldom notice whether the promise has been actually fulfilled. Therefore, simply for the purpose of show, we will organise institutions, members of which, by eloquent speeches, will prove and praise their contributions to "progress."

We will assume a liberal appearance for all parties and for all tendencies, and will provide all our orators with one. These orators will be so loquacious, that they will weary the people with speeches to such a degree, that the people will have more than enough of oratory of any kind.

In order to secure public opinion, this must first be made utterly confused by the expression from all sides of all manner of contradictory opinions, until the Gentiles become lost in their labyrinth. Then they will understand that the best course to take is to have no opinion on political matters—matters which are not intended to be understood by the public, but which should only be reserved to the directors of affairs. This is the first secret.

The second secret, necessary for our successful governing, consists in multiplying to such an extent the faults, habits, passions, and conventional laws of the country, that nobody will be able to think clearly in the chaos—therefore men will cease to understand one another.

This policy will also help us to sow dissensions amongst all parties, to dissolve all collective powers, and to discourage all individual initiative, which might in any way hinder our schemes.

There is nothing more dangerous than personal initiative: if there are brains at the back of it, it may do more harm to us than the millions of people whom we have set at one another's throats.

We must direct the education of Christian societies in such a way, that in all cases where initiative is required for an enterprise, their hands should drop in hopeless despair. Tension, brought about by freedom of action, loses force when it encounters the freedom of others. Hence come—moral shocks, disappointments and failures. By all these means we will so oppress the Christians that they will be forced to ask us to govern them internationally. When we attain such a position we shall be able, straightway, to absorb all powers of governing throughout the whole world, and to form a universal Super-government. In the place of existing governments we will place a monster, which will be called the Administration of the Supergovernment. Its hands will be outstretched like far-reaching pinchers, and it will have such an organisation at its disposal, that it will not possibly be able to fail in subduing all countries.

PROTOCOL VI

Soon we will start organising great monopolies—reservoirs of colossal wealth, in which even the large fortunes of the Gentiles will be involved to such an extent that they will sink together with the credit of their government the day after political crisis takes place. (It being evidently intended that the Jews should withdraw their money at the last moment.)

Those among you who are present here today, and are economists, just calculate the importance of this scheme!

We must use every possible kind of means to develop the popularity of our Supergovernment, holding it up as a protection and recompenser of all who willingly submit to us.

The aristocracy of the Gentiles, as a political power, is o more,—therefore we need not consider it any more from that point of view. But as landowners they are still dangerous to us, because their independent existence is ensured through their resources. Therefore it is essential for us, at all costs, to deprive the aristocracy of their lands. To attain this purpose the best method is to force up rates and taxes. These methods will keep the landed interests at their lowest possible ebb. The aristocrats of the Gentiles, who, by the tastes which they have inherited, are incapable of being contented with a little, will soon be ruined.

At the same time we must give all possible protection to trade and commerce, and especially to speculation, the principal role of which is to act as a counterpoise to industry.

Without speculation industry will enlarge private capitals and will tend to raise agriculture by freeing the land from debt and morgages, advanced by agricultural banks. It is essential that industry should drain the land of all its riches, and speculation should deliver all the world's wealth thus procured into our hands. By this means all the Gentiles would be thrown into the ranks of the proletariat. Then the Gentiles will bow down before us, in order to obtain the right to exist.

In order to ruin the industry of the Gentiles and to help speculation, we will encourage the love for boundless luxury, which we have already developed. We will increase the wages, which will not help the workmen, as at the same time we will raise the price of prime nccessities, taking as a pretext the bad results of agriculture. We will also artfully undermine the basis of production by sowing seeds of anarchy amongst the workmen, and encouraging them in the drinking of spirits. At the same time we will use all possible means to drive all the Gentile intelligence from the land. In order that the true position of affairs should not be prematurely realised by the Gentiles, we will conceal it by an apparent desire to help the working classes in solving great economical problems, the propaganda of which our economical theories are assisting in every possible way.

PROTOCOL VII

Intensified military service and the increase of police force are essential to complete the above plans. It is essential for us to arrange that, besides ourselves, there should be in all countries nothing but a huge proletariat, so many soldiers and police loyal our cause.

In the whole of Europe, and with the help of Europe, we must promote on other continents sedition, dissensions and mutual hostility. In this there is a twofold advantage: firstly by these means we command the respect of all countries, who well know that we have the power to create upheavals at will, or else to restore order. All countries are used to look to us for the necessary pressure, when such is required. Secondly, by intrigues we shall entangle all the threads spun by us in the ministries of all governments not only by our politics, but by trade conventions and financial obligations.

In order to obtain these ends we must have recourse to much slyness and artfulness during negotiations and agreements, but in what is called "official language" we shall assume the opposite tactics of appearing honest and amenable. Thus the governments of the Gentiles, which we taught to look only on the showy side of affairs, as we present these to them, will even look upon us as benefactors and saviours of humanity.

We must be in a position to meet every opposition with a declaration of war on the part of the neighbouring country of that state which dares to stand in our way; but if such neighbours in their turn were to decide to unite in opposing us, we must respond by creating a universal war.

The main success in politics consists in the degree of secrecy employed in pursuing it. The action of a diplomat must not correspond with his wdrds. To help our world-wide plan, which is nearing its desired end, we must influence the governments of the Gentiles by so-called public opinions, in reality prearranged by us by means of that greatest of all powers—the press, which, with a few insignificant exceptions not worth taking into account, is entirely in our hands.

Briefly, in order to demonstrate our enslavement of the Gentile governments in Europe, we will show our power to one of them by means of crimes of violence, that is to say by a reign of terror (note the present state of Russia, circa 1921); and in case they all rise against us we will respond with American, Chinese or Japanese guns.

We must secure all instruments which our enemies might turn against us. We shall have recourse to the most intricate and complicated expressions of the dictionary of law in order to acquit ourselves in case we are forced to give decisions, which may seem overbold and unjust. For it will be important to express such decisions in so forcible a manner, that they should seem to the populace to be of the highest moral, equitable and just nature. Our government must be surrounded by all the powers of civilisation among which it will have to act. It will draw to itself publicists, lawyers, practitioners, administrators, diplomats, and finally people prepared in our special advanced schools. These people will know the secrets of social life; they will master all languages put together by political letters and words; they will be well acquainted with the inner side of human nature, with all its more sensitive strings, on which they will have to play. These strings form the construction of the Gentile brain, their good and bad qualities, their tendencies and vices, the peculiarity of castes and classes. Of course these wise counsellors of our might to whom I allude will not be selected from amongst the Gentiles, who are used to carry on their administrative work without bearing in mind the results which they have to achieve, and without knowing for what purpose these results are required. The administrators of the Gentiles sign papers without reading them, and serve for love of money or ambition.

We will surround our government by a whole host of economists. That is the reason why science of economy is the principal subject taught to the Jews. We be surrounded by thousands of bankers, traders, and, what is still more important, by millionaires, because in reality everything will be decided by money. Meanwhile, as long as it is not yet safe to fill government posts with our brother Jews, we will entrust these important posts to people whose record and characters are so bad as to form a gulf between the nation and themselves, and to such people who, in case they disobey our orders, may expect judgment and imprisonment. And all this is with the object that they should defend our interests until the last breath has passed out of their bodies.

PROTOCOL IX

Applying our principles, pay special attention to the character of the particular nation, by which you are surrounded and amongst which you have to work. You must not expect to be successful in applying our principles all round until the nation in question has been re-educated by our doctrines; but by proceeding carefully in the application of our principles you will discover that, before ten years have elapsed, the most stubborn character will have changed and we shall have added yet another nation to the ranks of those who have already submitted to us.

For the liberal words of our masonic motto, "freedom, equality, and fraternity," we will substitute not the words of motto, but words expressing simply an idea, and we will say "the right of freedom, the duty of equality, and the idea of fraternity," and we shall have the bull by the horns. As a matter of fact we have already destroyed all ruling powers except our own,. but in theory, they still exist. At the present time, if any governments make themselves objectionable to us, it is only a formality, and undertaken with our full knowledge and consent, as we need their anti-Semitic outbursts in order to enable us to keep our small brothers in order. I will not enlarge upon this point, for it has already formed the subject of many discussions.

As a matter of fact we are encountered by no opposition. Our government is in so exceedingly strong a position in the sight of the law that we may almost describe it by the powerful expression of dictatorship. I can honestly say that at the present time we are legislators, we sit in judgment and inflict punishments, we execute and pardon, we are, as it were, the commander-in-chief of all armies, riding at their head. We rule by mighty force, because in our hands remain the fragments of a once powerfull party, now under our subjection. We possess boundless ambitions, devouring greed, merciless revenge and intense hatred. We are the source of a far-reaching terror. We employ in our service people of all opinions and all parties: men desiring to reestablish monarchies, socialists, communists, and supporters of all kinds of utopias. We have put them all into harness; each one of them in his own way undermines the remnant of power and tries to destroy all existing laws. By this procedure all governments are tormented, they yell for rest and, for the sake of peace, are prepared to make any sacrifice. But will not give them any peace until they humbly recognize our international super-government.

The populace clamoured for the necessity of solving the social problem by international means. Dissensions among parties handed these over to us, because in order to conduct an opposition money is essential, and money is under our control.

We have feared the alliance of the experienced Gentile sovereign power with that of the blind power of the mob, but all measures to prevent the possibility of such an occurrence have been taken by us. Between these two powers we have erected a wall in the form of the terror which they entertain for one another. Thus the blind power of the populace remains a support on our side. We alone will be its leaders, and will guide it towards the attainment of our object. In order that the hand of the blind should not free itself from our grip, we must be in constant contact with the masses if not personally, at any rate through our most faithful brothers. When we become a recognised power we will personally address populace in the market places, and will instruct it in political matters in whatever direction may suit our convenience.

How are we to verify what the people are taught in country schools? But it is certain that what is said by the envoy of the government, or by the sovereign himself, cannot fail to be known to the whole nation, as it is soon spread by the voice of the people.

In order not to destroy the institutions of the Gentiles prematurely, we reached them with our experienced hand and secured the ends of the springs in their mechanism. The latter formerly were in severe but just order; for them we have substituted disorderly liberal management. We have had a hand in jurisdiction, electioneering, in the management of the press, in furthering the liberty of the individual, and, what is still more important, in education. which constitutes the main support of free existence.

We have befooled and corrupted the rising generation, of the Gentiles by educating them in principles and theories known to us to be thoroughly false, but which we ourselves have inculcated. Without actually amending the laws already in force, but by simply distorting them and by placing interpretations upon them which were not intended by those who framed them, we have obtained an extraordinarily useful result.

These results became at first apparent by the fact that our interpretation concealed the real meaning of the laws, and subsequently rendered them so unintelligible that it was impossible for the government to disentangle such a confused code of laws.

Hence the theory arose of not adhering to the letter of the law, but of judging by conscience. It is contended that nations can rise in arms against us if our plans are discovered prematurely; but in anticipation of this we can rely upon throwing into action such a formidable force as will make even the bravest of men shudder. By then metropolitan railways and underground passages will be constructed in all cities. From these subterranean places we will explode all the cities of the world, together with their institutions and documents. (Probably figurative, referring to such means as Bolshevism.)

PROTOCOL X

Today I will begin by repeating what has been previously mentioned, and I beg all of you to bear in mind that in politics, governments and nations are satisfied by the showy side of everything; yes, and how should they have time to examine the inner side of things when their representatives only think of amusements?

It is most important for our politics to bear in mind the above-mentioned detail, as it will be of great help to us, when discussing such questions as the distribution of power, freedom of speech, freedom for the press and religion, rights of forming associations, equality in the sight of the law, inviolability of property and domicile, the question of taxation (idea of secret taxation) and the retrospective force of laws. All similar questions are of such a nature that it is not advisable to openly discuss them in front of the populace. But in cases where it is imperative that these should be mentioned to the mob they must not be enumerated but, without going into detail, statements should be made concerning the principles of modern right as recognised by us. The importance of reticence lies in the fact that a principle which has not been openly declared leaves us freedom of action, whereas such a principle, once declared, becomes as good as established.

The nation holds the power of a political genius in special respect and endures all its high-handed actions, and thus regards them: "What a dirty trick, but how skilfully executed!" "What a swindle, but how well and with what courage it has been done!"

We count on attracting all nations to work on the construction of the foundations of the new edifice which has been planned by us. For this reason it is necessary for us to acquire the services of bold and daring agents, who will be able to overcome all obstacles in the way of our progress.

When we accomplish our coup d'état, we will say to the people: "Everything has been going very badly; all of you have suffered; now we are destroying the cause of your sufferings, that is to say, nationalities, frontiers and national currencies. Certainly you will be free to condemn us, but can your judgment be fair if you pronounce it before you have had experience of what we can do for your good?"

Then they will carry us shoulder high in triumph, in hope and in exultation. Power of voting, in which we trained the most insignificant members of mankind by organising meetings and prearranged agreements, will then play its last part; this power, by the means of which we have "enthroned ourselves," will discharge its last debt to us in its anxiety to see the outcome of our proposition before prqnouncing its judgment.

In order to obtain an absolute majority we must induce everybody to vote, without discriminating between classes. Such a majority would not be obtained from educated classes or from a society divided into castes.

Having then inspired every man's mind with the idea of his own self-importance, we will destroy the family life of the Gentiles and its educational importance; we will prevent men with clever brains from coming to the front, and such men the populace, under our guidance, will keep subdued and will not permit them even to state their plans.

The mob is used to listen to us, who pay it for its attention and obedience. By these means we shall create such a blind force that it will never be capable of taking any decision without the guidance of our agents, placed by us for the purpose of leading them.

The mob will submit to this system, because it will know that from these leaders will depend its wages, earnings, and all other benefits. The system of government must be the work of one head, because it will be impossible to consolidate it, if it is the combined work of numerous minds. That is why we are only allowed to know the plan of action, but must by no means discuss it in order not to destroy its efficacy, the functions of its separate parts and the practical meaning of each point. If such plans were to be discussed and altered by repeated submissions at the polls, they would be distorted by results of all mental misunderstandings: which arise owing to the voters not having fathomed the depth of their meanings. Therefore, it is necessary that our plans should be decisive and logically thought out. That is the reason why we must not throw the great work of our leader to be torn to pieces by the mob, or even by a small clique. For the present these plans will not upset existing institutions. They will only alter their theory of economy, and therefore all their course of procedures, which will then inevitably follow the way prescribed by our plans. In all countries there exist the same institutions only different names: the houses of representatives of people, the ministries, the senate, a privy council of sorts, legislative and administrative departments.

I need not explain to you the connecting mechanism of these different institutions, as it is already well known to you. Only note that each of the above-mentioned institutions corresponds to some important function of the government. (I use the word "important" not with reference to the institutions, but with reference to their functions.)

All these institutions have divided among themselves all functions of government, that is to say, administrative, legislative, and executive powers. And their functions have become similar to those of the divers separate organs of the human body.

If we injure any part of the government machinery, the state will fall sick as a human body and will die. When we injected the poison of liberalism into the organism of the state its political complexion changed; the states became infected with a mortal illness, that is, decomposition of the blood. There remains only to await the end of their agonies. Liberalism gave birth to constitutional governments, which took the place of autocracy — the only wholesome form of government for the Gentiles. Constitution, as you know for yourselves, is nothing more than a school for dissensions, disagreements, quarrels, and useless party agitations; in brief, it is the school of everything that weakens the efficiency of the government. The tribune, as well as the Press, has tended to make the rulers inactive and weak, thus rendering them useless and superfluous, and for this reason they were deposed in many countries.

Then the institution of a republican era became possible; and then, in the place of the sovereign, we put a caricature of the same in the person of a president, whom we chose from the mob from among our creatures and our slaves.

Thus we laid the mine which we have placed under Gentiles, or rather under the Gentile nations. In the near future we will make the president a responsible person.

Then we will have no scruples in boldly applying the plans, for which our own "dummy" will be responsible. What does it matter to us if the ranks of place-hunters become weak, if confusions arise from the fact that a president cannot be found — confusions which will definitely disorganize the country?

In order to achieve these results, we will prearrange for the election of such presidents, whose past record is marked with some "Panama" scandal or other shaddy hidden transaction. A president of such a kind will be a faithful executor of our plans, as he will fear denouncement, and will be under the influence of the fear which always possesses a man who has attainted power and anxious to retain the privileges and honours associated with his high office. The House of Representatives will elect, protect, and screen the president; but we will deprive this House of its power of introducing and altering laws.

This power we will give to the responsible president, who will be a mere puppet in our hands. In that case the power of the president will become a targett exposed to various attacks, but we will give him means of defense in his right of appeal to the people above the heads of the representatives of the nation, that is to say, direct the people, who are our blind slaves — the majority of the mob.

Moreover, we will empower the president to proclaim martial law. We will explain this prerogative by fact that the president, being head of the army, must have the same under his command for the protection of the new republican constitution, which protection is his duty as its responsible representative.

Of course, under such conditions, the key of the inner position will be in our hands, and none other than ourselves will control legislation.

Moreover, when we introduce the new republican constitution, we will, under pretext of state secrecy, deprive the house of its right of questioning the desirability of measures taken by the Government. By this new constitution we will also reduce the number of the representatives of the nation to a minimum, thus also reducing an equivalent number of political passions, and passion for politics. If, in spite of t this, they should become recalcitrant, we will abolish the remaining representatives by appealing to the nation. It will be the President's prerogative to appoint the chairman and vice-chairman of the house of representatives and of the senate. In place of continuous, sessions of parliaments we will institute sessions of a few months' duration. Moreover, the president, as head of the executive power, will have the right to convene or dissolve parliament and, in case of dissolution, to defer the convocation of a new parliament. But, in order that the president should not be held responsible for the consequences of these, strictly speaking, illegal acts, before our plans have matured, we will persuade the Ministers and other high administrative officials, who surround the president, to circumvent his orders by issuing instructions of their own and thus compel them to bear the responsibility instead of the President. This function we would especially recommend to be allotted to the senate, to the council of state, or to the cabinet, but not to individuals. Under our guidance the President will interpret laws, which might be understood in ways.

Moreover he will annul laws in cases when we consider this to be desirable. He will also have the right to propose new temporary laws and even modifications in the constitutional work of the government, using as a motive for so doing the exigencies of the welfare of country.

Such measures will enable us to gradually withdraw any rights and indulgences that we may have been forced to grant when we first assumed power. Such indulgences we will have to introduce in the constitution of governments in order to conceal the gradual abolition of all constitutional rights, when the time comes to change all existing governments for our autocracy. The recognition of our autocrat may possibly be realised before the abolition of constitutions, namely, the recognition of our rule will start from the very moment when the people, torn by dissensions and smarting under the insolvency of rulers (which will have been pre-arranged by us), will yell out: "Depose them, and give us one world-ruler, could unify us and destroy all causes of dissension, namely, frontiers, nationalities, religions, state debts, etc. . . . a ruler who could give us peace and rest, which we cannot find under the government of our sovereigns and representatives."

But you know full well for yourselves that, in order that the multitude should yell for such a request, it is imperative in all countries to continually disturb the relationship which exists between people and governments — hostilities, wars, hatred, and even martyrdom, with hunger and need, and with the inoculation of diseases, to such an extent, that the Gentiles should not see any exit from their troubles other than an appeal for the protection of our money and for our complete sovereignty.

But if we give the nation time to take breath, another such opportunity would be hardly likely to recur.

The council of state will accentuate the power of the ruler. In its capacity as an official legislative body it will be, as it were, a committee for issuing the rulers' commands.

Here then is a programme of the new constitution, which we are preparing for the world. We will make laws, define constitutional rights, and administer such by means of (1) edicts of the legislative chamber, suggested by the president; (2) by means of general orders and orders of the senate and state council, and by means of decisions of the cabinet; and (3) when the opportune moment presents itself, by the means of a coup d'état.

Thus, having roughly determined our plan of action, we will discuss such details as may be necessary for us to accomplish the revolution in the sets of wheels of the state mechanism in the direction which I have already, indicated. By these details I mean freedom of the press, the rights of forming societies, freedom of religion, election of representatives of the people, and many other rights, which will have to vanish from the daily life of man. If they do not altogether vanish, they will have to be fundamentally changed the day after the announcement of the new constitution. It would only be at this particular moment that it would be quite safe for us to announce all our changes, and for the following reason: all perceptible changes at any other time might prove dangerous, because, if they were forcibly introduced and strictly and indiscriminately enforced, they might exasperate the people, as these would fear fresh changes in similar directions. On the other hand, if the changes were to entail yet more indulgences, people would say that we recognize our mistakes and that might detract irom the glory of infallibility of the new power. They might also say that we had been frightened and were forced to yield. And were this the case, the world would never thank us, as they regard it as a right always to have concessions made to them. If either of these impressions were made on the mind of the public, it would be extremely dangerous for the prestige of the new constitution.

It is essential for us that, from the first moment of its proclamation, whilst the people will be still suffering from the effects of the sudden change and will be in a state of terror and indecision, that they should realise that we are so powerful, so invulnerable, and so full of might, that we shall in no case take their interests into consideration. We shall want them to understand that we will not only ignore their opinion and wishes, but will be ready at any moment or place to suppress with a strong hand any expression or hint of opposition. We shall want the people to understand that we have taken everything we wanted and that we will not, under any circumstances, allow them to share our power. Then they will close their eyes to everything out of fear and will patiently await further developments.

The Gentiles are like a flock of sheep — we are the wolves. And do you not know what the sheep do when wolves penetrate in to the sheepfold? They close their eyes to everything. To this they will be also driven because we will promise to return to them all their liberties after subduing the world's enemies and after bringing all parties into subjection. I need hardly tell you how long they would have to wait for the return of their liberties.

For what reason were we induced to invent our policy and to instill the same into the Gentiles? We instilled this policy into them without letting them understand its inner meaning. What prompted us to adopt such a line of action, if it was not because we could not, as a scattered race, attain our object by direct means, but only by circumvention? This was the real cause and origin of our organisation of masonry, which those swine of Gentiles do not fathom, and the aims of which they do not even suspect. They are decoyed by us into our mass of lodges, which appear to be nothing more than masonic in order to throw dust in the eyes of their comrades.

By the mercy of God His chosen people were scattered, and in this dispersal, which seemed to the world to be our weakness, has proved to be all our power, which has now brought us to the threshold of universal sovereignty.

We have not much more to build on these foundations in order to attain our aims.
 

The word liberty, which can be interpreted in divers ways, we will define thus: "Liberty is the right of doing what is permitted by law." Such a definition of this word will be useful to us in this way, that it will rest with us to say where there shall be liberty and where there may not, and for the simple reason that law will permit only what is desirable to us.

With the Press we will deal in the following manner: What is the part played by the Press at the present time? It serves to rouse in the people furious passions or sometimes egoistic party disputes, which may be necessary for our purpose. It is often empty, unjust, false, and most people do not in the least understand its exact purposes. We will harness it and will guide it with firm reins, we will also have to gain control of all other publishing firms. It would be of no use for us to control the newpaper press, if we were still to remain exposed to the attacks of pamphlets and books. We will turn the, at present, expensive production of publication into a profitable resource to our government by introducing a special stamp duty, and by forcing publishers and typographers to pay us a deposit, in order to guarantee our government from any assaults on the part of the press. In case of an attack, we will impose fines right and left. Such measures as stamps, deposits, and fines will be a large source of income to the government. Certainly party papers would mind paying heavy fines, but, after a second serious attack on us, we would suppress them altogether. No one will be able with impunity to touch the prestige of our political infallibility. For closing down publications we will the following pretext: The publication, which is suppressed excites, we will say, public opinion without any ground or foundation. But I would ask you to bear in mind that amongst the aggressive publications will be those which have been instituted by us for this purpose. But they will only attack such points in our policy as we intend changing. No piece of information will society without passing through our control. This we are attaining even at the present time by the fact that all news is received by a few agencies, in which it is centralized from all parts of the world. When we attain power these agencies will belong to us entirely and will only publish such news as we choose to allow.

If under the present conditions we have managed to gain control of the Gentile society to such an extent that it surveys the world's affairs through the coloured glasses which we put over its eyes; if even now there exists no impediment to hinder our access to state secrets, as they are called by the stupidity of the Gentiles, what will be our position, when we shall be officially recognized as rulers of the world, in the person of our world-governing Emperor?

Let us return to the future of the press. Anybody desiring to become an editor, librarian, or printer, will be compelled to obtain a certificate and licence, which, in case of disobedience, would be withdrawn. The canals, through which human thought finds its expression, will by these means be delivered into the hands of our government, which will use the same as an educational organ, and will thus prevent the public from being drawn astray by idealising "progress" and liberalism. Who of us does not know that this fantastic blessing is a straight road to utopia, from which have sprung anarchy and hatred towards authority? This is for the simple reason that "progress," or rather the idea of liberal progress, gave the people different ideas of emancipation, without setting any limit to it. All so-called liberals are anarchists, if not in their action, certainly by ideas. Each one of them runs after the phantom of liberty, thinking that he can do whatever he wishes, that is to say, falling into a state of anarchy in the opposition which he offers for the mere sake of opposition.

Let us now discuss the press. We will tax it in the same manner as the newspaper press — that is to say, by means of excise stamps and deposits. But on books of less than 300 pages we will place a tax twice as heavy. These short books we will classify as pamphlets in order to diminish the publication of periodicals, which constitute the most virulent form of printed poison. These measures will also compel writers to publish such long works that they will be little read by the public, and chiefly so on account of their high price. We ourselves will publish cheap works in order to educate and set the mind of the public in the direction that we desire. Taxation will bring about a reduction in the writing of aimless leisure literature, and the fact that they are responsible before the law will place authors in our hands. No one desirous of attacking us with his pen would find a publisher.

Before printing any kind of work, the publisher or printer will have to apply to the authorities for a permit to publish the said work. Thus we shall know beforehand of any conspiracy against us, and we shall be able knock it on the head by anticipating the plot and publishing an explanation.

Literature and journalism are the two most important educational powers; for this reason our government will buy up the greater number of periodicals. By these means we shall neutralise the bad influence of the private press and obtain an enormous influence over the human mind. If we were to allow ten private periodicals we should ourselves start thirty, and so forth.

But the public must not have the slightest suspicion of these measures, therefore all periodicals published by us will seem to be of contradictory views and opinions, thus inspiring confidence and presenting an attractive appearance to our unsuspecting enemies, who will thus fall into our trap and will be disarmed.

In the front row we will place the official press. It will always be on guard in defence of our interests and therefore its influence on the public will be comparatively insignificant. In the second row we will place the semi-official press, the duty of which will be to attract the indifferent and lukewarm. In the third row we will place what will purport to be our opposition, which in one of its publications will appear to be our adversary. Our real enemies will take this opposition into their confidence and will let us see their cards.

All our newspapers will support different parties — aristocratic, republican, revolutionary, and even anarchical — but, of course, only so long as constitutions last. These newspapers, like the Indian god Vishnu, will be possessed of hundreds of hands, each of which will be feeling the pulse of varying public opinion.

When the pulse becomes quick, these hands will incline this opinion towards our cause, because a nervous subject is easily led and easily falls under any kind of influence.

If any chatterers are going to imagine that they are repeating the opinion of their party newspaper, they will in reality be repeating our own opinion, or the opinion which we desire. Thinking that they are following the organ of this party, they will in reality be following the flag which we will fly for them. In order that our newspaper army may carry out the spirit of this programme of appearing to support various parties, we must organise our press with great care.

Under the name of Central Commission of the Press, we will organise literary meetings, at which our agents unnoticed will give the countersign and the passwords. By discussing and contradicting our policy, of course always superficially, without really touching on the important parts of it, our organs will carry on feigned debates with official newspapers in order to give us an excuse for defining our plans with more accuracy than we could do in our preliminary announcements. But this, of course, only when it is to our advantage. This opposition on the part of the press will also serve the purpose of making the people believe that liberty of speech still exists. To our agents it win give an opportunity of showing that our opponents bring senseless accusations against us, being unable to find a real ground on which to refute our policy.

Such measures, which will escape the notice of public attention, will be the most successful means of guiding the public mind and of inspiring confidence in favour of our government.

Thanks to these measures, we will be able to excite or calm the public mind on political questions, when it becomes necessary for us to do so; we will be able to persuade or confuse them by printing true or false news, facts or contradictions, according as it will suit our purpose. The information which we will publish will depend on the manner in which the people are at the time accepting that kind of news, and we will always take great care to feel the ground before treading on it.

The restrictions which, as I have said, we will impose on private publications, win enable us to make a certainty of defeating our enemies, because they will not have press organs at their disposal by means of which they could truly give full vent to their opinions. We shall not even have to make a thorough refutation of their statements.

Ballons d' essai ("test ballons" — an experiment to see how a new policy etc. will be received. Concise Oxford Dictionary), which we will throw into the third row of our press, we will, if necessary, semi-officially refute.

Already there exists in French journalism a system of masonic understanding for giving countersigns. All organs of the press are tied by mutual professional secrets in manner of the ancient oracles. Not one of its members will betray his knowledge of the secret, if such a secret has not been ordered to be made public. No single publisher will have the courage to betray the secret entrusted to him, the reason being that not one of them is admitted into the literary world without bearing the marks of some shady act in his past life. He would only have to show the least sign of disobedience and tpe mark would be immediately revealed. Whilst these marks remain known only to a few, the prestige of the journalist attracts public opinion throughout the country. The people follow and admire him.

Our plans must extend chiefly to the provinces. It is essential for us to create such ideas and inspire such opinions there as we could at any time launch on the capital by producing them as the neutral views of the provinces.

Of course, the source and origin of the idea would not be altered: namely, it would be ours.

It is imperative for us that, before we assume power, cities should sometimes be under the influence of the opinion of the provinces — that is to say, that they should know the opinion of the majorjty, which will have been prearranged by us. It is necessary for us that the capitals, at the critical psychological moment, should not have time to discuss an accomplished fact, but should accept it simply because it has been passed by a majority in the provinces.

When we reach the period of the new regime — that is to say, during the transition stage to our sovereignty — we must not allow the press to publish any account of criminal cases; it will be essential that people should think that the new regime is so satisfactory that even crime has ceased.

Where criminal cases occur, they must remain known only to their victim and anyone who may have chanced to witness them, and to these a1one.
 

PROTOCOL XIII

~The need of daily bread will force the Gentiles to hold their tongues and to remain our humble servants. Those of the Gentiles whom we may be employing in our press will, under orders from us, discuss facts to which it would not be desirable that we should especially refer in our official gazette. And, whilst all manner of discussions and disputes are thus taking place, we will pass the laws which we need and will place them before the public an accomplished fact.

No one will dare to demand that what has been decided on should be repealed, more especially as we will make it appear as if it were our intention to help progress. Then the press will draw the attention of the public away by new propositions (you know for yourselves that we have always taught the populace to seek new emotions). Brainless political adventurers will hasten to discuss the new problems, such people who even nowadays do not understand what they are talking about. Political problems are not meant to be understood by ordinary people; they can only be comprehended, as I have said before, by rulers who have been directing affairs for many centuries. From all this you may conclude that, when we shall defer to public opinion, we shall do so in order to ease the working of our machinery. You can also perceive that we seek approval for the various questions not by deeds, but by words. We continually assert that, in all our measures, we are guided by the hope and certainty of serving the common welfare.

In order to distract overrestless people from discussin political questions, we provide them with new problems — that is to say, those of trade and commerce. Over such questions let them become as excited as they like! The masses consent to abstain and desist from what they think is political activity only if we can give them some new amusements, that is to say, commerce, which we try and make them believe is also a political question. We ourselves induced the masses to take part in politics in order to secure their support in our campaign against the Gentile governments.

In order to keep them from discovering for themselves any new line of action in politics, we will also distract them by various kinds of amusements, games, pastimes, passions, public houses, and so on.

Soon we shall start advertising in the press, inviting people to enter for various competitions in all manner of enterprises, such as art, sport, etc. These new interests will definitely distract the public mind from such questions which we would have to contest with the populace. As the people will gradually lose the gift of thinking for themselves, they will shout together with us, for the sole reason that we shall be the only members of society who will be in a position to advance new lines of thought, which lines we will advance by means of using as our tools only such persons as could not be suspected of being allied with us. The part of liberal idealists will be definitely terminated when our government is recognised. Until then they will do us good service. For this reason we will try to direct the public mind towards every kind of fantastic theory which could appear progressive or liberal. It was we who, with complete success, turned the braipless heads of the Gentiles by our theories of progress towards socialism; there is not to be found a brain among the Gentiles which would perceive that in every instance, behind the word "progress" is hidden a deviation from the truth, except in such cases where this word refers to scientific discoveries. For there is but one true teaching, and in it there is no room for "progress." Progress, like a false idea, serves to conceal the truth in order that nobody should know truth besides ourselves, God's Chosen People, whom he has elected as its guardian.

When we get into power, our orators will discuss the great problems which have been convulsing humanity in order, in the end, to bring mankind under our blessed rule.

Who will, then, suspect that all these problems were instigated by us in accordance with a political scheme which has been understood by no man for so many centuries?

PROTOCOL XIV

When we establish ourselves as lords of the earth, will not tolerate any other religion except that of our own, namely, a religion recognising God alone, with whom our fate is bound by His election of us and by Whom also the fate of the world is determined.

For this reason we must destroy all professions of faith. If the temporary result of this is to produce atheists, it will not interfere with our object, but will act as an example to those generations to come, who will listen to our teaching on the religion of Moses which, by its resolute and well-considered doctrine, committed to us the duty of subduing all nations under our feet.

By doing this we shall also lay stress on the mystic truths of the Mosaic teachings on which, we shall say, is based all its educative power.

Then, on every possible occasion we will publish articles, in which we will compare our beneficial rule with that of the past. The state of blessedness and peace which will then exist, in spite of its having been brought about by centuries of disturbance, will also serve to illustrate the benevolence of our new rule. The mistakes made by the Gentiles in their administration will be demonstrated by us in the most vivid colours. We will start such a feeling of disgust towards the former regime that the nations will prefer a state of peace in a condition of enslavement, to the rights of the much-lauded liberty, which has so cruelly tortured them and drained from them the very source of human existence, and to which they were really only instigated by a crowd of adventurers who knew not what they did.

Useless changes of government, to which we have been prompting the Gentiles and by this means undermining their state edifice, will by that time have so worried the nations that they will prefer to endure anything from us out of fear of having to return to the turmoils and misfortunes which they will have gone through. We will draw special attention to the historical mistakes of the Gentile Governments, by which they tormented humanity for so many centuries in their lack of understanding anything that regards true welfare of human life and in their search for fantastic plans of social welfare. For the Gentiles have not noticed that their plans, instead of improving the relations of man to man, have only made them worse and worse. And these relations are the very foundations of human existence. The whole force of our principles and measures will be in the fact that they will he explained by us as being in bright contrast to the hroken-down regime of former social conditions.

0ur philosophers will expose all the disadvantages of Gentile religions, but no one will ever judge our religion from its true point of view, because nobody will ever have a thorough knowledge of it except our own people, who will never venture to unveil its mysteries.

In the so-considered leading countries, we have circulated an insane, dirty and disgusting literature. For a short time after the recognition of our rule, we shall continue to encourage the prevalence of such a literature, in order that it should the more pointedly mark the contrast of the teachings which we will issue from our exalted position. Our learned men, who were educated for the purpose of leading the Gentiles, will make speeches, draw up plans, sketch notes and write articles, by means of which we will influence men's minds, inclining them towards that knowledge and those ideas which suit us.

PROTOCOL XV

When we shall eventually have obtained power by means of a number of coups d' etat which will be arranged by us, so that they should take place simultaneously in all countries, and immediately after their respective governments shall have been officially pronounced as incapable of ruling the populace — a considerable period of time may elapse before this is realised, perhaps a whole century — we will make every endeavour to prevent conspiracies being made against us. In order to attain this end we will make merciless use of executions with regard to all who may take up arms against the establishment of our power.

The institutions of any fresh secret society will also be punishable by death; but those secret societies which exist at the present time and which are known to us, which are serving and have served our purpose, we will dismiss and exile their members to remote parts of the world. Such is the manner in which we will deal with any Gentile Freemasons who may know more than will suit our convenience. Such masons whom we may for some reason or other pardon, we shall keep in continual fear of being sent into exile. We will pass a law which will condemn all former members of secret societies to be exiled from Europe~J where we shall have the centre of our government.

The decisions of our Government will be final, and no one will have the right of appeal.

In order to call to heel all Gentile societies, in which we have so deeply implanted dissensions and the tenets of the protestant religion, merciless measures will have to be introduced. Such measures should show the nations that our power cannot be infringed. We must take no account of the numerous victims who will have to be sacrificed in order to obtain future prosperity.

To attain prosperity even by means of numerous sacrifices is the duty of a government, which realises that the conditions of its existence do not only lie in the privileges which it enjoys, but also in the executions of its duty.

The main condition of its stability lies in the strengthening of the prestige of its power, and this prestige can only be obtained by majestic and unshakable might, which should show that it is inviolable and surrounded by a mystic power; for example, that it is by God appointed.

Such has been, up to the present time, the Russian Autocracy, our only dangerous enemy, if we are not to include the Holy See. Remember, at the time when Italy was streaming with blood, she did not touch a hair of Silla's head, and he was the man who made her blood pour out. Owing to his strength of character, Silla became a god in the eyes of the populace, and his fearless return to Italy made him inviolable. The populace will not harm the man who hypnotises it by his courage and strength of mind.

Until the time when we attain power we will try to create and multiply lodges of freemasons in all parts of the world. We will entice into these lodges all, who may become, or who are known to be public-spirited. These lodges will be the main place from which we shall obtain our information, as well as being propaganda centres.

We will centralise all these lodges under one management, known to us alone, and which will consist of our learned men. These lodges will also have their own representatives, in order to screen where the management really lies. And this management will alone have the right of deciding who may speak, and of drawing up the order of the day. In these lodges we will tie the knot of all socialistic and revolutionary classes of society. The most secret political plans will be known to us and will be guided by us in their execution as soon as they are formed.

Nearly all the agents in the international and secret police will be members of our lodges.

The services of the police are of extreme importance to us, as they are able to throw a screen over our enterprises, invent reasonable explanations for discontent among the masses, as well as punish those who to submit.

Most people who enter secret societies are adventurers, who want somehow to make their way in life, and who are not seriously minded.

With such people it will be easy for us to pursue our object, and we will make them set our machinery in motion.

If the whole world becomes perturbed, it will only signify that it was necessary for us to so perturb it in order to destroy its too great solidity. If conspiracies start in the midst of it, this will mean that one of our most faithful agents is at the head of the said conspiracy. It is only natural that we should be the sole people who direct masonic enterprises. We are the only people who know how to direct them. We know the final aim of each action, whereas the Gentiles are ignorant of most things concerning masonry, they cannot even see the immediate results of what they are doing. They generally think only of the immediate advantages of the moment, and are content if their pride is satisfied in the fulfilment of their intention, and do not perceive that the original idea was not their own, but was inspired by ourselves.

The Gentiles frequent Masonic Lodges out of pure curiosity, or in the hope of receiving their share of the good things which are going, and some of them do so in, order to be able to discuss their own idiotic ideas before an audience. The Gentiles are on the look-out for the emotions of success and applause; these are distributed freely by us. That is why we let them have their sudcess; in order to turn to our advantage the men possessed by feelings of self-pride, who, without noticing it, absorb our ideas, confident in the conviction of their own infallibility, and that they alone have ideas and are not subject to the influence of others.

You have no idea how easy it is to bring even the most clever of the Gentiles to a ridiculous state of naivete by working on his conceit, and, on the other hand, how easy it is to discourage him by the smallest failure or even by simply ceasing to applaud him and thus bring him to a state of servile subjection, holding out to him the prospect of some new success. Just as our people despise success, and are only anxious to see their plans realised, so the Gentiles love success and are prepared to sacrifice all their plans for its sake. Th